America’s mysteriously unchanging national debt: $16,699,396,000,000
Hmmmm:Even as the Treasury was running up the $98-billion deficit it reported in the July Monthly Treasury Statement, every one of the 22 Daily Treasury Statements published for July said the Treasury had closed out the previous business day with exactly $16,699,396,000,000 in debt. The Daily Treasury Statement for Aug. 12, released Tuesday afternoon, says the debt remained stuck at exactly $16,699,396,000,000 during the first 12 days of this month, too. On May 17, the first day the Treasury reported that the debt had hit exactly $16,699,396,000,000–and was thus just $25 million below the legal limit — Treasury Secretary Lew sent a letter to House Speaker John Boehner saying he was beginning to implement what he called “the standard set of extraordinary measures” to prevent the Treasury from exceeding the legal limit on the federal debt. Since Lew sent that letter–announcing that he would use “extraordinary measures”– the debt has remained stuck at exactly $16,699,396,000,000 for 87 straight days.“Extraordinary measures,” indeed. In a recent speech, President Obama touted the falling deficit, which is projected to drop to “only” $759 billion this year. President Bush’s average annual deficit was $250 billion. Obama blew past the six trillion dollar debt milepost months ago. Candidate Obama excoriated Bush for his “unpatriotic” additions to the national debt back in 2008; in less than five years, President Obama has matched Bush’s total over two full terms — and surpassed it by $2 trillion. As soon as Sec. Lew’s manipulation expires, we’ll hit the $17 trillion mark overall. Reminder: America’s true national debt is closer to $90 trillion than it is to the official number
http://hotair.com/greenroom/archives/2013/08/15/americas-mysteriously-unchanging-national-debt-16699396000000/
CNN Never Mentions 'Obama' in Article on Joblessness
The headline at CNN Money was, "Why America's Youth Aren't Finding Jobs." If you expected an analysis of how and why President Barack Obama's policies hurt the job market for the young, think again. Believe it or not, CNN wrote a piece, supposedly explaining the tight job market, without using the following words: Obama, Obama administration, taxes, regulations, "stimulus" program or, of course, ObamaCare.Stunning.
Apparently, CNN believes the country has been on autopilot for the last five years, with policy decisions by the White House having no effect, for good or for ill. Since CNN will not, let's examine the major economic decisions by this administration and their impact on the job market.
"Stimulus": The Obama administration spent nearly $1 trillion on "economic stimulus" that would "save or create" 3.5 million jobs. Did it? "The inability to measure Mr. Obama's jobs formula is part of its attraction," wrote William McGurn in The Wall Street Journal. "Never mind that no one -- not the Labor Department, not the Treasury, not the Bureau of Labor Statistics -- actually measures 'jobs saved.'"
But some things can be measured. To keep pace with the number of new people entering the job market, the economy must produce 150,000 new jobs every month. In July, the economy produced 162,000 jobs. To date, in the four years since the end of the recession, Obama's economy has produced 4,657,000 jobs -- an average of just 97,020 per month. The percentage of civilians 16 years and older working or actively looking for work recently reached a 34-year low. Down from 65.7 when President Barack Obama took office, it is 63.4 today. Would-be workers are simply giving up, frustrated, no longer looking.
Team Obama said that without stimulus, unemployment, which was then 7 percent, could reach as high as 8 percent. Well, Congress did pass stimulus -- and unemployment rose to 10.2 percent in the first year of Obama's presidency.
Tax hikes: In addition to increasing the top marginal income tax rate from 35 to 39.6 percent on the so-called rich, new or increased taxes have been imposed on Medicare -- a 0.9 percent rate increase on wages and a new 3.8 percent tax on investment income for those earning $200,000 or more.
Current and upcoming ObamaCare-related taxes include the so-called "Cadillac" excise tax on high-cost health insurance plans; tax penalties for not purchasing insurance; additional taxes and fees on medical device manufacturers, drug companies and health insurers; a 10 percent tax on indoor tanning services; a 50 percent reduction in allowable flexible spending account (FSA) contributions; and an increase in the threshold required to deduct medical expenses as an itemized deduction.
The Federal Reserve Bank of San Francisco released a report two months ago attributing the "drag" on the economy to new tax hikes. "Surprisingly," said the report, "despite all the attention federal spending cuts and sequestration have received, our calculations suggest they are not the main contributors to this projected drag. The excess fiscal drag on the horizon comes almost entirely from rising taxes."
New regulations: The Obama administration has imposed numerous burdensome and job-killing regulations. According to The Wall Street Journal: "Pages in the Code of Federal Regulations hit an all-time high of 174,545 in 2012. ... The cost of federal rules exceeded $1.8 trillion, roughly equal to the GDP of Canada. These costs are embedded in nearly everything Americans buy ... at $14,768 per household, meaning that red tape is now the second largest item in the typical family budget after housing.
"Last year, 4,062 regulations were at various stages of implementation inside the Beltway. The government completed work on 1,172, an increase of 16 percent over the 1,010 that the feds imposed in 2011, which was a 40 percent increase over 722 in 2010. ... The Obama administration did not break the all-time record of 81,405 pages it set in 2010. But the 78,961 pages it churned out in 2012 mean that the President has posted three of the four greatest paperwork years on record."
ObamaCare: Seventy-four percent of small-business owners say they have or intend to reduce hours, or fire people, or simply not hire as a result of ObamaCare. But, according to Investor's Business Daily, ObamaCare also gives incentives to employees to accept fewer hours: "Some 2.3 million workers might have their hours cut due to ObamaCare's employer mandates, even if there's no negative impact on total hours worked, a recent study from the University of California at Berkeley Labor Center estimated. The other part of the equation involves more government benefits for those facing shorter hours. This will come starting in 2014 from ObamaCare health subsidies. Households working less may also get additional benefits, such as food stamps."
CNN's head-in-the-sand piece on youthful joblessness serves as the latest example of the pro-Obama media's failure, blindness and unwillingness to see and state the obvious. By historical standards, this recovery stinks. To understand why requires a repudiation of the very foundation of leftism. Leftists believe that enlightened government bureaucrats -- meaning themselves -- possess both the power to redistribute wealth from the undeserving to the deserving and the wisdom to know the difference.
http://townhall.com/columnists/larryelder/2013/08/15/cnn-never-mentions-obama-in-article-on-joblessness-n1664621
The Wannabe-Emperor Plans to Bypass Congress, Constitution. . . Again
For being a former lecturer on Constitutional Law, the President
seems to have a fairly precarious understanding of the separation of
powers. Of course, this is assuming he concerns himself with the
Constitution outside of political considerations. After his move to
unilaterally delay aspects of Obamacare, and his extensive use of
executive orders, the President is now considering adopting the powers
of Congress in financial affairs. The wannabe-Emperor-Obama has decided
that his executive branch alone (one of three total branches of
government) might be able to increase taxes on all cell phone customers
and use the money to build a “whole new educational ecosystem.”
The objectively odd use of the word “ecosystem” aside, the President’s plan would increase taxes on cell phone users, and allocate the revenue to building a high speed internet based educational tool for “99 percent” of school districts. (The 1 percent always get the shaft when it comes to government handouts. . . Unless it’s green energy subsidies.) The best part? Obama is quoted in the Washington Post as saying “We can do this without Congress.”
Right. Because that whole “separation of powers” concept was just a design flaw in our foundational document. . . Not the intent.
According to the Post:
“The effort would cost billions of dollars, and Obama wants to pay for it by raising fees for mobile-phone users. Doing that relies on the Federal Communications Commission [FCC], an independent agency that has the power to approve or reject the plan.”
The educational system would be authorized as an effort to equip school districts throughout the nation with high speed internet connections for online text books, learning plans, and tests. I guess the NSA wasn’t learning enough about our children through Facebook and common-core.
The Post went on to say that “White House senior advisers have described the little-known proposal, announced earlier this summer under the name ConnectEd, as one of the biggest potential achievements of Obama’s second term.” And while it’s nice to know that the President is looking for a legacy other than Martha’s Vineyard’s Most Avid Golfer, he’s quickly earning the legacy of the Empirical President. Isn’t it also worth noting, parenthetically, that all of his attempts to achieve a “legacy” have revolved around raising somebody’s taxes?
The plan itself should be seen as objectionable to small-government Republicans, educational Libertarians, and – well – cell phone users. And since most of America has a cell phone (thanks OBAMAPHONE), it’s safe to assume that had this issue been brought up in last year’s election, it may have very well been a political looser.
Obama’s administration, however, seems to have a penchant for adding impropriety to an already objectionable idea. Not long ago the President said, in passing, that “the problem is, I’m not Emperor.” I’m starting to believe his off-the-cuff statement reflected his true concerns. (He must hate it when the teleprompter goes out.) The Constitution, the deliberative body known collectively as Congress, and on occasion even the courts, are viewed by this President as an obstacle to utopia. . . Not the institutions that have provided America with centuries of prosperity and freedom.
The question, for any remaining Obama supporter, is simple: Would the left in this country be comfortable, content, or amicable if a Republican President employed the same disregard for Constitutional process? The answer is obvious. And, to the Washington Post and DC Democrats, it is also irrelevant.
http://finance.townhall.com/columnists/michaelschaus/2013/08/15/the-wannabeemperorpresident-plans-to-snub-congress---again-n1664809/page/full
Obama Moves to Raise Taxes on Cell-Phone Users — Without Congress
As we now know from the New York Times, the president hopes to
The “ConnectEd” proposal does worry the White House a little – although not on the grounds of anything as dull as conscience:
This is pretty simple: federal taxation falls not “mostly,” not “preferably,” not “traditionally,” not “hopefully,” but solely under Congress’s jurisidiction. This does not change if Congress is marked by “stagnation and dysfunction and an inability to act.” If this “fee” is imposed without having gone through Congress, Americans will be subjected to taxation that has not been approved by their representatives. That the president is putting pressure on the FCC because he can’t get what he wants through Congress is wholly inappropriate, and it cannot be simultaneously written off as a minor change by an independent body and lauded by “White House senior advisers” as “one of the biggest potential achievements of Obama’s second term.”
It is of absolutely no consequence whatsoever that Obama is apparently racked with “frustration that countries such as South Korea [have] embraced technology in the classroom so much better than the United States [has].” He is simply not allowed to address that issue without Congress. That the president and his allies are evidently sitting around the White House trying to work out how they can get around the constitutional system of the United States should be worrying to each and every one of us. The only thing more worrying is that it is apparently not.
http://www.nationalreview.com/corner/355896/obama-moves-raise-taxes-cell-phone-users-without-congress-charles-c-w-cooke
Obama Pushes Cell Phone Rate Hike, without Congress
... By circumventing Congress, the president would also avoid hearings, debate, and give and take — what we used to call the legislative process. Now it’s just the government and its functionaries blackmailing the citizenry.
Cell phone users already pay for another massive Obama social program, the so-called Obamaphones. That free cell phone program, which began as a modest program in the Reagan era to help poor and rural families get telephones, exploded from 2009 to 2012 — there were one million of them in use in swing state Ohio in 2012. There is little if any oversight to prevent fraud.
This new program, called ConnectEd, will be added on top of the Obamaphone bill.
Universal pre-K is one of Obama’s favorite “big ideas” — and one he has mentioned repeatedly in the past few months. But his proposal to bulk up federal and state pre-K programs by raising tobacco taxes is unlikely to pass the Republican House of Representatives.
Instead, Obama and Education Secretary Arne Duncan have turned to discretionary funding allocations in Race to The Top, a federal education grant to the states, and even Obamacare.
A provision of Obama’s health-care law, the Affordable Care Act, sets aside money for both state and federal authorities to fund school readiness programs for at-risk youth, according to Politico.
And the Race to the Top Early Learning Challenge — a $500 million pile of money for state education projects — could be used to for preschool programs.
The Education and Health and Human Services Departments have also doled out $89 million to six states for early childhood education programs.
“It’s a smart strategy with limited resources,” said Lisa Guernsey, director of the Early Education Initiative at the New America Foundation, in a statement.
But many experts who have studied the issue of universal preschool say there are good reasons not to fund it. Several analysts have found that kids who went to preschool are no better off than their peers by the time they enter the fifth grade.
An oft-cited study that did associate positive results with universal pre-K, on the other hand, examined a limited pool of students, and shouldn’t be held up as the definitive answer on the issue.
“Given the kind of programs the president is likely to fund and what the real results are likely to be, I think it’s a heck of lot less convincing,” said Rick Hess, director of education policy studies at the American Enterprise Institute, in an interview with The Daily Caller News Foundation.
Though funding universal pre-K via tax increases won’t fly with Republican in Congress, it’s easier for Republican governors to simply say yes to federal grant money to establish the programs.
But if they do, they will find themselves having to raise the funds for preschool programs themselves after the grants run out, said Hess.
“It’s not like the president has any plan to actually pay for this,” he said. “He’s going to stick states with the bill.”
But even if Obama never gets his way on universal pre-K, the fact that the policy sounds appealing makes it an easy sound bite, said Hess.
“It’s political theater at this point,” he said.
Obama recently added a preschool specialist to his education team. Dr. Libby Doggett, former director of the Pew Home Visiting Campaign, is joining the Education Department as deputy assistant secretary for early education later this month.
President Obama’s increasingly grandiose claims for presidential power are inversely proportional to his shriveling presidency. Desperation fuels arrogance as, barely 200 days into the 1,462 days of his second term, his pantry of excuses for failure is bare, his domestic agenda is nonexistent and his foreign policy of empty rhetorical deadlines and red lines is floundering. And at last week’s news conference he offered inconvenience as a justification for illegality.
Explaining his decision to unilaterally rewrite the Affordable Care Act (ACA), he said: “I didn’t simply choose to” ignore the statutory requirement for beginning in 2014 the employer mandate to provide employees with health care. No, “this was in consultation with businesses.”
He continued: “In a normal political environment, it would have been easier for me to simply call up the speaker and say, you know what, this is a tweak that doesn’t go to the essence of the law. . . . It looks like there may be some better ways to do this, let’s make a technical change to the law. That would be the normal thing that I would prefer to do. But we’re not in a normal atmosphere around here when it comes to Obamacare. We did have the executive authority to do so, and we did so.”
Serving as props in the scripted charade of White House news conferences, journalists did not ask the pertinent question: “Where does the Constitution confer upon presidents the ‘executive authority’ to ignore the separation of powers by revising laws?” The question could have elicited an Obama rarity: brevity. Because there is no such authority.
Obama’s explanation began with an irrelevancy. He consulted with businesses before disregarding his constitutional duty to “take care that the laws be faithfully executed.” That duty does not lapse when a president decides Washington’s “political environment” is not “normal.”
When was it “normal”? The 1850s? The 1950s? Washington has been the nation’s capital for 213 years; Obama has been here less than nine. Even if he understood “normal” political environments here, the Constitution is not suspended when a president decides the “environment” is abnormal.
Neither does the Constitution confer on presidents the power to rewrite laws if they decide the change is a “tweak” not involving the law’s “essence.” Anyway, the employer mandate is essential to the ACA.
Twenty-three days before his news conference, the House voted 264 to 161, with 35 Democrats in the majority, for the rule of law — for, that is, the Authority for Mandate Delay Act. It would have done lawfully what Obama did by ukase. He threatened to veto this use of legislation to alter a law. The White House called it “unnecessary,” presumably because he has an uncircumscribed “executive authority” to alter laws.
In a 1977 interview with Richard Nixon, David Frost asked: “Would you say that there are certain situations . . . where the president can decide that it’s in the best interests of the nation . . . and do something illegal?”
Nixon: “Well, when the president does it, that means it is not illegal.”
Frost: “By definition.”
Nixon: “Exactly, exactly.”
Nixon’s claim, although constitutionally grotesque, was less so than the claim implicit in Obama’s actions regarding the ACA. Nixon’s claim was confined to matters of national security or (he said to Frost) “a threat to internal peace and order of significant magnitude.” Obama’s audacity is more spacious; it encompasses a right to disregard any portion of any law pertaining to any subject at any time when the political “environment” is difficult.
Obama should be embarrassed that, by ignoring the legal requirement concerning the employer mandate, he has validated critics who say the ACA cannot be implemented as written. What does not embarrass him is his complicity in effectively rewriting the ACA for the financial advantage of self-dealing members of Congress and their staffs.
The ACA says members of Congress (annual salaries: $174,000) and their staffs (thousands making more than $100,000) must participate in the law’s insurance exchanges. It does not say that when this change goes into effect, the current federal subsidy for this affluent cohort — up to 75 percent of the premium’s cost, perhaps $10,000 for families — should be unchanged.
When Congress awakened to what it enacted, it panicked: This could cause a flight of talent, making Congress less wonderful. So Obama directed the Office of Personnel Management, which has no power to do this, to authorize for the political class special subsidies unavailable for less privileged and less affluent citizens.
If the president does it, it’s legal? “Exactly, exactly.”
http://www.washingtonpost.com/opinions/george-will-obamas-unconstitutional-steps-worse-than-nixons/2013/08/14/e0bd6cb2-044a-11e3-9259-e2aafe5a5f84_story.html
The objectively odd use of the word “ecosystem” aside, the President’s plan would increase taxes on cell phone users, and allocate the revenue to building a high speed internet based educational tool for “99 percent” of school districts. (The 1 percent always get the shaft when it comes to government handouts. . . Unless it’s green energy subsidies.) The best part? Obama is quoted in the Washington Post as saying “We can do this without Congress.”
Right. Because that whole “separation of powers” concept was just a design flaw in our foundational document. . . Not the intent.
According to the Post:
“The effort would cost billions of dollars, and Obama wants to pay for it by raising fees for mobile-phone users. Doing that relies on the Federal Communications Commission [FCC], an independent agency that has the power to approve or reject the plan.”
The educational system would be authorized as an effort to equip school districts throughout the nation with high speed internet connections for online text books, learning plans, and tests. I guess the NSA wasn’t learning enough about our children through Facebook and common-core.
The Post went on to say that “White House senior advisers have described the little-known proposal, announced earlier this summer under the name ConnectEd, as one of the biggest potential achievements of Obama’s second term.” And while it’s nice to know that the President is looking for a legacy other than Martha’s Vineyard’s Most Avid Golfer, he’s quickly earning the legacy of the Empirical President. Isn’t it also worth noting, parenthetically, that all of his attempts to achieve a “legacy” have revolved around raising somebody’s taxes?
The plan itself should be seen as objectionable to small-government Republicans, educational Libertarians, and – well – cell phone users. And since most of America has a cell phone (thanks OBAMAPHONE), it’s safe to assume that had this issue been brought up in last year’s election, it may have very well been a political looser.
Obama’s administration, however, seems to have a penchant for adding impropriety to an already objectionable idea. Not long ago the President said, in passing, that “the problem is, I’m not Emperor.” I’m starting to believe his off-the-cuff statement reflected his true concerns. (He must hate it when the teleprompter goes out.) The Constitution, the deliberative body known collectively as Congress, and on occasion even the courts, are viewed by this President as an obstacle to utopia. . . Not the institutions that have provided America with centuries of prosperity and freedom.
The question, for any remaining Obama supporter, is simple: Would the left in this country be comfortable, content, or amicable if a Republican President employed the same disregard for Constitutional process? The answer is obvious. And, to the Washington Post and DC Democrats, it is also irrelevant.
http://finance.townhall.com/columnists/michaelschaus/2013/08/15/the-wannabeemperorpresident-plans-to-snub-congress---again-n1664809/page/full
Obama Moves to Raise Taxes on Cell-Phone Users — Without Congress
As we now know from the New York Times, the president hopes to
seize any opportunity I can find to work with Congress to strengthen the middle class, improve their prospects, improve their security. But where Congress is unwilling to act, I will take whatever administrative steps that I can in order to do right by the American people.The latest such idea is unilaterally to levy a federal fee (traditionally known in America as a “tax”) on mobile phone users in order to pay for “high-speed Internet access in schools that would allow students to use digital notebooks and teachers to customize lessons like never before.” As the Standard Examiner notes, the program, named “ConnectEd,”
is a case study in how Obama is trying to accomplish a second-term legacy despite Republican opposition in Congress.
“It’s got a lot of the characteristics of big-vision policy that you really don’t get through legislation anymore,” said Rob Nabors, White House deputy chief of staff, who is coordinating executive actions.Dilate on this phrase for a moment: “Big-vision policy that you really don’t get through legislation anymore.” Rob Nabors probably doesn’t know how right he is. Typically in America, when presidents cannot get the legislation they want through the peculiarly named “legislative” branch, that legislation remains unpassed. But, as George Will observed this morning in masterly fashion, this is apparently of little consequence to a man whose “increasingly grandiose claims for presidential power” rest upon the novel conceit that the structure of the republic retains its integrity only if its institutions agree to do what the incumbent president considers imperative.
The “ConnectEd” proposal does worry the White House a little – although not on the grounds of anything as dull as conscience:
White House officials were also concerned about the perception that they would try to unduly influence the FCC.Well, still thy beating hearts. I’m sure that nobody would worry that an FCC full of Obama appointees might be unduly influenced by the president of the United States.
“Using the FCC as a way to get around Congress to spend money that Congress doesn’t have the political will to spend – I think that’s very scary,” said Harold Furchtgott-Roth, a Republican former FCC commissioner. “Constitutionally, it’s Congress that decides how federal funds should be spent.”The former FCC commissioner is right: It is traditionally Congress that gets to decide these questions. But why should we let little things such as the rule of law and the purity of the social compact get in the way when there are grand and necessary plans to execute for the children?
This is pretty simple: federal taxation falls not “mostly,” not “preferably,” not “traditionally,” not “hopefully,” but solely under Congress’s jurisidiction. This does not change if Congress is marked by “stagnation and dysfunction and an inability to act.” If this “fee” is imposed without having gone through Congress, Americans will be subjected to taxation that has not been approved by their representatives. That the president is putting pressure on the FCC because he can’t get what he wants through Congress is wholly inappropriate, and it cannot be simultaneously written off as a minor change by an independent body and lauded by “White House senior advisers” as “one of the biggest potential achievements of Obama’s second term.”
It is of absolutely no consequence whatsoever that Obama is apparently racked with “frustration that countries such as South Korea [have] embraced technology in the classroom so much better than the United States [has].” He is simply not allowed to address that issue without Congress. That the president and his allies are evidently sitting around the White House trying to work out how they can get around the constitutional system of the United States should be worrying to each and every one of us. The only thing more worrying is that it is apparently not.
Obama Pushes Cell Phone Rate Hike, without Congress
... By circumventing Congress, the president would also avoid hearings, debate, and give and take — what we used to call the legislative process. Now it’s just the government and its functionaries blackmailing the citizenry.
Cell phone users already pay for another massive Obama social program, the so-called Obamaphones. That free cell phone program, which began as a modest program in the Reagan era to help poor and rural families get telephones, exploded from 2009 to 2012 — there were one million of them in use in swing state Ohio in 2012. There is little if any oversight to prevent fraud.
This new program, called ConnectEd, will be added on top of the Obamaphone bill.
In the case of ConnectEd, White House officials worried that Obama could be accused of raising taxes on all Americans who use phone or Internet service, amid a broader debate in which Republicans are saying he is trying to raise taxes on the middle class. The cost for the initiative is estimated at $4 billion to $6 billion, and the administration said it could work out to about $12 in fees for every cellphone user over three years.
A senior administration official said that if the idea had come up during the presidential campaign, it probably would have been abandoned because of the political risk. Democrats faced withering critiques in the 1990s for advocating gas taxes to fund roads and bridges, and then-Vice President Al Gore was put on the defensive over the “Gore tax,” the 1996 law that gave the FCC the power to charge such fees....http://pjmedia.com/tatler/2013/08/14/obama-pushes-cell-phone-rate-hike-without-congress
Obama skirts Congress, funds pre-K through Obamacare
With congressional Republicans refusing to finance an expensive universal preschool proposal, President Obama is seeking an alternate funding source: Obamacare.Universal pre-K is one of Obama’s favorite “big ideas” — and one he has mentioned repeatedly in the past few months. But his proposal to bulk up federal and state pre-K programs by raising tobacco taxes is unlikely to pass the Republican House of Representatives.
Instead, Obama and Education Secretary Arne Duncan have turned to discretionary funding allocations in Race to The Top, a federal education grant to the states, and even Obamacare.
A provision of Obama’s health-care law, the Affordable Care Act, sets aside money for both state and federal authorities to fund school readiness programs for at-risk youth, according to Politico.
And the Race to the Top Early Learning Challenge — a $500 million pile of money for state education projects — could be used to for preschool programs.
The Education and Health and Human Services Departments have also doled out $89 million to six states for early childhood education programs.
“It’s a smart strategy with limited resources,” said Lisa Guernsey, director of the Early Education Initiative at the New America Foundation, in a statement.
But many experts who have studied the issue of universal preschool say there are good reasons not to fund it. Several analysts have found that kids who went to preschool are no better off than their peers by the time they enter the fifth grade.
An oft-cited study that did associate positive results with universal pre-K, on the other hand, examined a limited pool of students, and shouldn’t be held up as the definitive answer on the issue.
“Given the kind of programs the president is likely to fund and what the real results are likely to be, I think it’s a heck of lot less convincing,” said Rick Hess, director of education policy studies at the American Enterprise Institute, in an interview with The Daily Caller News Foundation.
Though funding universal pre-K via tax increases won’t fly with Republican in Congress, it’s easier for Republican governors to simply say yes to federal grant money to establish the programs.
But if they do, they will find themselves having to raise the funds for preschool programs themselves after the grants run out, said Hess.
“It’s not like the president has any plan to actually pay for this,” he said. “He’s going to stick states with the bill.”
But even if Obama never gets his way on universal pre-K, the fact that the policy sounds appealing makes it an easy sound bite, said Hess.
“It’s political theater at this point,” he said.
Obama recently added a preschool specialist to his education team. Dr. Libby Doggett, former director of the Pew Home Visiting Campaign, is joining the Education Department as deputy assistant secretary for early education later this month.
Obama’s unconstitutional steps worse than Nixon’s
By George WillPresident Obama’s increasingly grandiose claims for presidential power are inversely proportional to his shriveling presidency. Desperation fuels arrogance as, barely 200 days into the 1,462 days of his second term, his pantry of excuses for failure is bare, his domestic agenda is nonexistent and his foreign policy of empty rhetorical deadlines and red lines is floundering. And at last week’s news conference he offered inconvenience as a justification for illegality.
Explaining his decision to unilaterally rewrite the Affordable Care Act (ACA), he said: “I didn’t simply choose to” ignore the statutory requirement for beginning in 2014 the employer mandate to provide employees with health care. No, “this was in consultation with businesses.”
He continued: “In a normal political environment, it would have been easier for me to simply call up the speaker and say, you know what, this is a tweak that doesn’t go to the essence of the law. . . . It looks like there may be some better ways to do this, let’s make a technical change to the law. That would be the normal thing that I would prefer to do. But we’re not in a normal atmosphere around here when it comes to Obamacare. We did have the executive authority to do so, and we did so.”
Serving as props in the scripted charade of White House news conferences, journalists did not ask the pertinent question: “Where does the Constitution confer upon presidents the ‘executive authority’ to ignore the separation of powers by revising laws?” The question could have elicited an Obama rarity: brevity. Because there is no such authority.
Obama’s explanation began with an irrelevancy. He consulted with businesses before disregarding his constitutional duty to “take care that the laws be faithfully executed.” That duty does not lapse when a president decides Washington’s “political environment” is not “normal.”
When was it “normal”? The 1850s? The 1950s? Washington has been the nation’s capital for 213 years; Obama has been here less than nine. Even if he understood “normal” political environments here, the Constitution is not suspended when a president decides the “environment” is abnormal.
Neither does the Constitution confer on presidents the power to rewrite laws if they decide the change is a “tweak” not involving the law’s “essence.” Anyway, the employer mandate is essential to the ACA.
Twenty-three days before his news conference, the House voted 264 to 161, with 35 Democrats in the majority, for the rule of law — for, that is, the Authority for Mandate Delay Act. It would have done lawfully what Obama did by ukase. He threatened to veto this use of legislation to alter a law. The White House called it “unnecessary,” presumably because he has an uncircumscribed “executive authority” to alter laws.
In a 1977 interview with Richard Nixon, David Frost asked: “Would you say that there are certain situations . . . where the president can decide that it’s in the best interests of the nation . . . and do something illegal?”
Nixon: “Well, when the president does it, that means it is not illegal.”
Frost: “By definition.”
Nixon: “Exactly, exactly.”
Nixon’s claim, although constitutionally grotesque, was less so than the claim implicit in Obama’s actions regarding the ACA. Nixon’s claim was confined to matters of national security or (he said to Frost) “a threat to internal peace and order of significant magnitude.” Obama’s audacity is more spacious; it encompasses a right to disregard any portion of any law pertaining to any subject at any time when the political “environment” is difficult.
Obama should be embarrassed that, by ignoring the legal requirement concerning the employer mandate, he has validated critics who say the ACA cannot be implemented as written. What does not embarrass him is his complicity in effectively rewriting the ACA for the financial advantage of self-dealing members of Congress and their staffs.
The ACA says members of Congress (annual salaries: $174,000) and their staffs (thousands making more than $100,000) must participate in the law’s insurance exchanges. It does not say that when this change goes into effect, the current federal subsidy for this affluent cohort — up to 75 percent of the premium’s cost, perhaps $10,000 for families — should be unchanged.
When Congress awakened to what it enacted, it panicked: This could cause a flight of talent, making Congress less wonderful. So Obama directed the Office of Personnel Management, which has no power to do this, to authorize for the political class special subsidies unavailable for less privileged and less affluent citizens.
If the president does it, it’s legal? “Exactly, exactly.”
http://www.washingtonpost.com/opinions/george-will-obamas-unconstitutional-steps-worse-than-nixons/2013/08/14/e0bd6cb2-044a-11e3-9259-e2aafe5a5f84_story.html
A Constitutional Cure For What Ails Us
When I studied the U.S. Constitution in school, I learned that for a bill to become law it first had to be introduced in either the House or the Senate. Today, a cynic might say for a bill to become law a member of Congress must first be introduced to a lobbyist.Much of government's dysfunction, cost and overreach can be traced to the abandonment of the constitutional boundaries the Founders put in place for the purpose of controlling the lust for power.
In his new book The Liberty Amendments: Restoring the American Republic, Mark R. Levin asserts the U.S. government isn't performing up to standards established by the Founders because, like a flooding river, politicians have breached their constitutional limits.
Levin, who graduated with honors and a law degree from Temple University and who hosts a popular syndicated radio talk show, believes "The nation has entered an age of post-constitutional tyranny" resulting in this attitude by our leaders: "The public is not to be informed but indoctrinated, manipulated and misled."
Before this is dismissed as the ranting of a far-right extremist, consider the case Levin builds: The executive branch has assumed for itself "broad lawmaking power," creating departments and agencies that contravene the doctrine known as separation of powers; Congress creates monstrosities like Obamacare that have no constitutional origin, spending the country into record debt and making America dependent on foreign governments, especially China; the judiciary consists of men and women who are "no more virtuous than the rest of us and in some cases less so, as they suffer from the usual human imperfections and frailties." And yet they make decisions in the name of the Constitution that cannot be defended according to the words of the Founders, who believed the judiciary should be the least powerful and consequential branch of government. In Federalist No. 78, Alexander Hamilton wrote that the judiciary branch would be the weakest of the three because it had "no influence over either the sword or the purse. ... It may truly be said to have neither FORCE nor WILL, but merely judgment."
Who can credibly disagree with Levin when he writes: "What was to be a relatively innocuous federal government, operating from a defined enumeration of specific grants of power, has become an ever-present and unaccountable force. It is the nation's largest creditor, debtor, lender, employer, consumer, contractor, grantor, property owner, tenant, insurer, health-care provider and pension guarantor."
To return America to its constitutional boundaries, Levin proposes a series of "liberty amendments" to the Constitution, beginning with one limiting the terms of congressmen so they might avoid the bipartisan virus that infects even some who believe in limited government, mutating them into power-hungry influence seekers with little regard for the public good.
Another amendment would establish term limits for Supreme Court justices. "The point is," argues Levin, "that the Framers clearly intended to create intrinsic limitations on the ability of any one branch or level of government to have unanswered authority over the other."
Another amendment would establish spending limits for the government. Another would grant states the authority to check Congress.
Levin admits these amendments are unlikely to win congressional approval because in Washington power is not willingly relinquished. That's why he proposes the states bypass Congress, as the Framers provided, and pass these amendments themselves. As Levin notes, "Article V (of the Constitution) expressly grants state legislatures significant authority to rebalance the constitutional structure for the purpose of restoring our founding principles should the federal government shed its limitations, abandon its original purpose and grow too powerful, as many delegates in Philadelphia and the state conventions had worried it might."
Americans who care about the health and future of their country have the power through the states to force the federal government to abide by its founding document. Mark Levin's book is a serious work that can serve as an action plan for curing what ails us.
What's needed is less focus on Washington and more on state capitals where legislators are more likely to be responsive to the demands of "we the people."
http://townhall.com/columnists/calthomas/2013/08/15/a-constitutional-cure-for-what-ails-us-n1664487/page/full
Why Elections Matter: A Tale of Two States
While “A Tale of Two Cities” focused on London and Paris, if Charles
Dickens were writing political novels in the present day, he might
choose to examine Wisconsin and Minnesota as “A Tale of Two States.” The
historical election results of 2010 have had an undeniable contrasting
impact in these two states that both the mainstream media and political
prognosticators are beginning to grasp.
In the 2010 midterm elections, Republicans realized unparalleled success, particularly in the Great Lakes states such as Pennsylvania, Michigan, Ohio and Wisconsin where Republican gubernatorial candidates were elected along with Republican majorities in legislative chambers. The result was a number of strong, swing state partnerships that ushered in a conservative response to the decidedly liberal policies pursued by their predecessors and from leaders in Washington, D.C.
However, just next door to Wisconsin, Republicans in Minnesota recaptured both chambers of the state house but fell just short in a contentious, three-way race for the governor’s mansion. This resulted in divided government until the courts drew a new legislative redistricting map unfairly favoring the Democrats.
Following the issuance of the court’s map and prior to the 2012 elections, the Pioneer Press conducted an analysis that concluded, “If voters follow traditional partisan voting patterns in the November election, DFLers would pick up one additional state Senate seat … the analysis showed DFLers could regain control of the House.” On Election Day 2012 Democrats took sweeping control of both chambers, returning government to liberal Democrats – and liberal Democratic policies.
During this same period, Wisconsin Governor Scott Walker and the strong Republican majorities in both legislative chambers were implementing fiscally conservative policies. The stark contrast between those reforms and big-government liberal policies passed in neighboring Minnesota since 2010 was the topic of a recent Milwaukee Journal Sentinel article, which noted, “Politically speaking, Wisconsin and Minnesota are practically twins. They have voted the same way in the last seven presidential contests. They gave President Obama almost identical victory margins last fall. They share a common border, a common heritage, and the highest election turnouts in America. Yet based on how they are being governed, you would think they were two different planets.”
Whether intentional or not, the Journal Sentinel is aptly making the point that elections have significant consequences.
In Minnesota, a combination of divided and liberal governance has resulted in major tax hikes and expanded union rights. In Wisconsin, four years of conservative governance has led to the largest income tax rate cuts for taxpayers in over a decade, the marginalization of public sector unions and their stranglehold on the state budget and the expansion of school choice and voucher programs.
Minnesota is suffering the consequences of liberal, economically-hostile, anti-business policies while Wisconsin is reaping the benefits of the tough choices made and reforms implemented by Governor Walker and Wisconsin’s legislative leadership.
Since 2010, Minnesota has suffered embarrassing credit downgrades by three of the country’s largest credit ratings agencies, has increased taxes by more than $2 billion and has seen its rankings in CNBC’s America’s Top States for Business index drop nine places since 2009.
Wisconsin’s 6.8 percent unemployment rate is down 2.4 points since January 2010. A full 94 percent of Wisconsin job creators believe the state is headed in the right direction as opposed to 10 percent in 2010, according to Wisconsin Manufacturers and Commerce, and the state has climbed four spots in CNBC’s ranking system.
The Minnesota-Wisconsin story is not over, but the key differences highlighted by the Journal-Sentinel between the two similar, neighboring states once again demonstrates that elections have consequences. And the early but clear success of the bold, fiscally conservative reforms implemented by Governor Walker and the Wisconsin legislative leadership once again demonstrates that free markets and personal freedoms continue to benefit society more than calls for bigger government and more regulation. From our perspective, someday the diverging paths taken by Minnesota and Wisconsin after the 2010 election will make a fascinating political science case study proving the importance of electing Republican representatives to office and demonstrating the effectiveness of commonsense, fiscally-conservative Republican policies.
http://townhall.com/columnists/chrisjankowski/2013/08/15/why-elections-matter-a-tale-of-two-states-n1665150/page/full
In the 2010 midterm elections, Republicans realized unparalleled success, particularly in the Great Lakes states such as Pennsylvania, Michigan, Ohio and Wisconsin where Republican gubernatorial candidates were elected along with Republican majorities in legislative chambers. The result was a number of strong, swing state partnerships that ushered in a conservative response to the decidedly liberal policies pursued by their predecessors and from leaders in Washington, D.C.
However, just next door to Wisconsin, Republicans in Minnesota recaptured both chambers of the state house but fell just short in a contentious, three-way race for the governor’s mansion. This resulted in divided government until the courts drew a new legislative redistricting map unfairly favoring the Democrats.
Following the issuance of the court’s map and prior to the 2012 elections, the Pioneer Press conducted an analysis that concluded, “If voters follow traditional partisan voting patterns in the November election, DFLers would pick up one additional state Senate seat … the analysis showed DFLers could regain control of the House.” On Election Day 2012 Democrats took sweeping control of both chambers, returning government to liberal Democrats – and liberal Democratic policies.
During this same period, Wisconsin Governor Scott Walker and the strong Republican majorities in both legislative chambers were implementing fiscally conservative policies. The stark contrast between those reforms and big-government liberal policies passed in neighboring Minnesota since 2010 was the topic of a recent Milwaukee Journal Sentinel article, which noted, “Politically speaking, Wisconsin and Minnesota are practically twins. They have voted the same way in the last seven presidential contests. They gave President Obama almost identical victory margins last fall. They share a common border, a common heritage, and the highest election turnouts in America. Yet based on how they are being governed, you would think they were two different planets.”
Whether intentional or not, the Journal Sentinel is aptly making the point that elections have significant consequences.
In Minnesota, a combination of divided and liberal governance has resulted in major tax hikes and expanded union rights. In Wisconsin, four years of conservative governance has led to the largest income tax rate cuts for taxpayers in over a decade, the marginalization of public sector unions and their stranglehold on the state budget and the expansion of school choice and voucher programs.
Minnesota is suffering the consequences of liberal, economically-hostile, anti-business policies while Wisconsin is reaping the benefits of the tough choices made and reforms implemented by Governor Walker and Wisconsin’s legislative leadership.
Since 2010, Minnesota has suffered embarrassing credit downgrades by three of the country’s largest credit ratings agencies, has increased taxes by more than $2 billion and has seen its rankings in CNBC’s America’s Top States for Business index drop nine places since 2009.
Wisconsin’s 6.8 percent unemployment rate is down 2.4 points since January 2010. A full 94 percent of Wisconsin job creators believe the state is headed in the right direction as opposed to 10 percent in 2010, according to Wisconsin Manufacturers and Commerce, and the state has climbed four spots in CNBC’s ranking system.
The Minnesota-Wisconsin story is not over, but the key differences highlighted by the Journal-Sentinel between the two similar, neighboring states once again demonstrates that elections have consequences. And the early but clear success of the bold, fiscally conservative reforms implemented by Governor Walker and the Wisconsin legislative leadership once again demonstrates that free markets and personal freedoms continue to benefit society more than calls for bigger government and more regulation. From our perspective, someday the diverging paths taken by Minnesota and Wisconsin after the 2010 election will make a fascinating political science case study proving the importance of electing Republican representatives to office and demonstrating the effectiveness of commonsense, fiscally-conservative Republican policies.
http://townhall.com/columnists/chrisjankowski/2013/08/15/why-elections-matter-a-tale-of-two-states-n1665150/page/full
More Fast and Furious guns surface at crimes in Mexico
Three more weapons from Fast and Furious have turned up at crime scenes in Mexico, CBS News has learned, as the toll from the controversial federal operation grows.According to Justice Department tracing documents obtained by CBS News, all three guns are WASR-10 762-caliber Romanian rifles. Two were purchased by Fast and Furious suspect Uriel Patino in May and July of 2010. Sean Steward, who was convicted on gun charges in July 2012, purchased a third. The rifles were traced yesterday to the Lone Wolf gun shop in Glendale, Ariz.
During Fast and Furious and similar operations, federal agents from the Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco and Firearms (ATF) encouraged the Lone Wolf and other gun stores to sell massive amounts of weapons to questionable purchasers who allegedly trafficked them Mexican drug cartels.
Patino is said to have purchased 700 guns while under ATF's watch. Ever since, a steady stream of the guns have been recovered at crime scenes in Mexico and the U.S. But the Justice Department has refused repeated requests from Congress and CBS News to provide a full accounting. An estimated 1,400 guns are still on the street or unaccounted for.
Last November, a Fast and Furious weapon was found at a shootout between a Mexican drug cartel and soldiers where a beauty queen was killed. Two weapons used in the murder of Immigration and Customs Enforcement Agent Jaime Zapata in Mexico on Feb. 15, 2011 also came from suspects who were under ATF watch but not arrested at the time. And two Fast and Furious AK-47 type rifles were recovered from the murder scene of Border Patrol Agent Brian Terry in December 2010; he'd been shot by illegal immigrants who were smuggling drugs.
ATF special agent John Dodson blew the whistle on his agency's gunwalking in an interview with CBS News in 2011.
The government first denied any guns had been allowed to "walk" into criminal hands. Later, the Justice Department acknowledged using the strategy, claiming it was intended to see where the weapons ended up in hopes of capturing a major cartel leader. But the agency ordered an immediate halt to the practice calling it highly improper.
The Justice Department's refusal to turn over certain Fast and Furious documents led to a bipartisan vote in the House of Representatives in June 2012 to hold Attorney General Eric Holder in contempt of Congress. Then, the Obama administration used executive privilege for the first time, to withhold requested documents from Congress. The Republican-led House Oversight Committee is suing for release of the material.
http://www.cbsnews.com/8301-201_162-57598487/more-fast-and-furious-guns-surface-at-crimes-in-mexico/
Holder and FBI admit lying about data released before election last year
In their efforts to promote the re-election of Barack Obama, our nation's premier law enforcement agencies presented false data to the American public about a "crackdown" on mortgage fraud. Fox News reports:The Justice Department and FBI have quietly acknowledged they grossly overstated the scope of a mortgage fraud crackdown, which the administration heralded with much fanfare a few weeks before last year's presidential election.
According to a memo circulated by the FBI and a correction posted online by the Justice Department, the number of defendants, the number of victims and the size of the losses are, in reality, a fraction of what officials claimed last October.
Attorney General Eric Holder and other law enforcement officials claimed in early October that the initiative charged 530 criminal defendants on behalf of 73,000 victims who suffered over $1 billion in losses. The so-called Distressed Homeowner Initiative, which targeted fraud schemes against distressed homeowners, was highlighted in a press release and press conference at the time.
Holder, talking to the cameras on Oct. 9, called it "a groundbreaking, year-long mortgage fraud enforcement effort."
The real numbers, it turns out, were far smaller. The feds now admit that the number of criminal defendants charged was more like 107, not 530. The number of victims was 17,185 -- still a large number, but roughtly one fourth the size of the original headcount. And the losses totaled $95 million -- not $1 billion, as originally claimed.
The mortgage meltdown of 2008, which served (and continues to serve) as a bludgeon for Democrats to blame George W. Bush, Republicans, and free markets for all the economic misery stands as one of the great, deceptive propaganda triumphs of American history. The low and medium information voting public does not know that banks were bludgeoned by regulators into giving mortgages to people who could not afford them. And now we have the admission that they were served up false information to make it appear as though Obama and the DoJ were doing something to improve things.
Obama should be known as the Potemkin President because there is so much fraud involved in his self-presentation to the public.
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